Yayasan Pendidikan Indonesia Blog

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University of Vienna

Distinguished faculty, 
Dear participants,

I am honoured to be back at the University of Vienna, my alma mater. This is where I started on the journey that led me around the world and to my current role as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. 

These beautiful buildings and leafy courtyards could give the impression that this has always been a place of robust exchange of views, and peace.   

But this isn’t the case. 

Exactly ninety years ago today, not far from here, a former University student shot and killed a distinguished philosophy professor, Moritz Schlick. 

That time was defined by growing antisemitism and fascism, as well as increasing resort to violence, with tragic consequences for democracy. 

In The Open Society and Its Enemies, Karl Popper warned us that closed societies thrive on conspiracy, myth, and the suppression of critical thought.

When Popper wrote those words, Europe had just emerged from the horrors of the Holocaust and two world wars. Many people saw a new dawn, hopeful that history tilts towards freedom and justice. 

But as we see today, history is not linear. Popper could have written the same warning today.  

This University’s focus on democracy and human rights during this semester recognises that our world is going through profound change.

The foundations of democracy are shaking; authoritarian leaders are exploiting every division and grievance, perceived or real; and extremist groups deliberately pursue narratives that polarize and divide societies.  

People, including here in Europe, are anxious that for the first time in generations, they may not surpass their parents’ standard of living.  

Members of minorities are discriminated against and scapegoated. 

Some worry that political systems are distant from their daily lives. Others question whether institutions are working as effectively as they should.

As a result, trust, that is the core of the social contract, is being eroded. 

According to a 2023 survey by the Open Society Foundations, more than 35 per cent of respondents between the ages of 18 and 35 support strong leaders who do away with parliaments and elections. 

We need to better understand the gap between democratic aspirations and how people experience democracy. 

And we need to work to bridge that gap, and to do so self-critically. Continuous renewal is inherent to the notion of democracy. We have to ask ourselves: why is democracy’s full worth not being seen and valued?  

Austria itself has its own troubled history with democracy. And as the far right grows and even seeks to rewrite the past, it is clear that we cannot take anything for granted. 

We expect political leaders and state institutions to shape and secure our future. But we all have a role to play to defend democratic aspirations, including free speech, equality and respect for diversity, representation, the rule of law, social justice and accountability. 

Despite all the challenges, democratic ideas mobilise people, because these principles embody freedom. People all around the world strive for democracy, especially when they are facing repression or live under authoritarian rule.  

The Gen Z protesters against the autocratic regime in Bangladesh in 2024 were demanding jobs as well as freedom – they knew what they wanted. Last year, similar protests took place in Nepal, Madagascar, Tanzania and Peru, and beyond. Voters in Hungary earlier this year showed they wanted an end to corruption and restrictions on media and civil society.  

The same 2023 opinion survey of more than 30,000 people in 30 countries found, unsurprisingly, that 86 per cent want to live in a democratic state. 

Human rights need democracy, which, for all its flaws, remains the best system for preserving our rights and freedoms. 

And democracy needs human rights – they make democracy real, resilient, and solutions-oriented. 

Dear faculty and students,

When we look at today’s realities around the world, democratic backsliding is unmistakeable.

According to a recent study by the V-Dem Institute, 74 per cent of the world now lives in an autocracy – taking us back to the global landscape of 1978. The Economist Intelligence Unit considers that less than seven per cent of the world’s population now lives in a full democracy, down from 12.5 per cent 10 years ago.

What happened? 

How have autocratic leaders – many of whom won office democratically – managed to gain traction? 

Several factors have converged, to varying degrees depending on the country, but with significant implications for people’s human rights. 

Autocratic tendencies follow a common pattern – we are seeing many of these trends right here in Europe.

Part of the strategy is to create divisions in society, to generate negative emotion, and to trigger recurring cycles of rage. 

Constructing narratives of victimhood — of enemies and perceived saviours — plays an important role for people seeking a sense of collective identity. The so-called liberal elite is pitted against the so-called people, whatever that may mean exactly.

Autocratic leaders argue that protecting migrants, women, LGBTIQ+ people and other minorities undermines majority rule.

They promise quick fixes to complex problems, often by obscuring facts and dismissing science; this can be seductive to people who are, or feel, disadvantaged, unheard, or overwhelmed.  And seducing people is the defining tactic of autocracy and populism. 

They peddle the illusion of control, security and order, in contrast to the vibrancy – and yes, messiness and even occasional boredom– of democracy. Inevitably, democracy involves robust public debate, compromise and consensus building.

Then these leaders restrict free expression and civic space, vilify independent media, and undermine public broadcasting. They create their own media echo chambers spreading conspiracies and lies.

They slowly chip away at the independence of institutions by undermining judges and public watchdogs.

Meanwhile, disinformation and deep fakes spread faster than facts – especially as platforms reward disgust and anger, even hatred, and strengthen conspiracy theories. New trends, such as AI swarms, can manufacture the appearance of public agreement at scale. Digital tools are also expanding authoritarian leaders’ arsenal of surveillance and repression. 

Repressive technologies are moving faster than the frameworks designed to constrain them.

Powerful tech companies seem to profit from our distraction, telling us: Don’t look up, don’t look forward, don’t look back. Look at your phone! 

But democracy requires us to lift our eyes, and to take a clear-eyed look. To question what we see and take responsibility for our futures. Connecting with the world around us, with other people – especially those who feel overwhelmed, confused or neglected, who think differently or who are on the margins of society – and with nature, is an act of pro-democratic resistance!

Otherwise, we become more polarized, unable to engage in critical debate. 

We risk losing the agora, the marketplace of ideas, if we fail to think long-term, and to remain respectful, tolerant, open to others and curious about the unknown. 

AI and other technological developments are triggering uncertainty and anxiety about the future, including of work. As designed, some of these models are also amplifying discrimination and bias. 

At the same time, financial, political and strategic power have accumulated in the hands of a few.

As Oxfam documents every year, the rich are getting richer and have an outsize influence over politics, economies and media. According to one report, since 2020, billionaire wealth has grown by 81 per cent. Billionaires – and one trillionaire – now own more than half the world’s largest media companies and all the main social media companies. 

Global progress on poverty has stagnated. 

Research suggests that more unequal countries are up to seven times more likely to experience democratic erosion. 

One study published last year found that wide income inequality is one of the strongest predictors of where and when democracy erodes. 

Dear faculty, students and friends, 

So how do we change course? 

How do we spark a democratic revival?

I don’t have all the answers – but what is clear is that human rights are part of the solution. 

Democracy and human rights are two sides of the same coin. They both aim to guarantee that power serves people, not the other way around.

When leaders work to fulfil people’s human rights, trust builds, the social contract is strengthened, and democracy can reach its full potential.

Human rights give democracy its form and content – they define what it protects, how it functions, and who it serves. 

There are also strong links between democracy and economic growth, as well as many other human rights issues, including gender equality, greater school enrolment, social protection spending, anti-corruption and climate action. 

Crucially, States need to protect rights even when doing so is unpopular. For example, while the majority might support the death penalty at one moment in time, protecting rights also means explaining why its abolition is in everyone’s best interests. 

Austrian constitutional scholar Hans Kelsen famously noted that protecting the minority is an essential feature of democracy and a necessary limit on majority rule.

The strength of democracy also lies in its self‑corrective capacity – in its ability to recognise mistakes and change direction. 

When societies fail to deliver on basic needs, people can take to the streets, to the courts, and to the ballot box, to demand better. Development economist Amartya Sen observed that famines don’t take place in functioning democracies. 

But we cannot be naïve. Many of society’s issues, from inflation to climate change and foreign policy to regulating technology, are complex, and can overwhelm us. 

But human rights are not just important rules. They provide a foundational compass. They are fundamentally about our inherent human dignity, our hopes, our shared values, and the compassion that connects us as human beings. 

To revive democracy, I think we need to focus on what democracy can deliver for people – and ensure that it does.  

This means action in five areas. I’m going to give some examples of what this looks like around the world. 

First, making sure that everyone can participate in public and political life, including minorities, people with disabilities, LGBTIQ+ people, and people living in poverty. This makes decisions more legitimate and sustainable. I am particularly concerned that women in public and political life are often targets of hate, misogyny and even physical attack, in order to make them invisible.  

Human Rights Cities, like Vienna, are leading the way in showing how human rights can achieve higher standards of living. 

For example, in cities like Porto Alegre in Brazil and others, citizens are directly influencing local investment priorities – they are deciding whether funds go first to a health post, a school, a water point or safer street lighting. 

Democracy is broader than an electoral period and cannot simply be reduced to elections. It is built wherever people come together to solve problems, deliberate, and act collectively for the public good. 

Between elections, this can be achieved by mobilising socially and politically, especially in our communities—including through local campaigns, civic networks, and more. Action by some can inspire and encourage action by others. 

Citizen assemblies are an innovative way to generate inclusive and informed recommendations for decisions that affect everyone. For example, in Ireland they were used to debate abortion and same-sex marriage leading to national referendums and major legal reforms. 

Second, advancing civic space, including online, and a free and independent press can expose inequalities, support the spread of reliable information, and open space for solutions to emerge. This is why States need to develop guardrails based on human rights for new technologies, including AI.  

At the same time, people are not powerless in the face of technological shifts. 

For example, some communities are mobilising against the expansion of data centres. Others are taking legal action against big tech for harm caused, including to mental health. Tech workers are advocating for labour rights. Independent journalists are joining forces to find ways to bypass algorithms. Innovators are building alternative tech models oriented around the public good. 

These initiatives show how energy can be channelled to steer technology for the public good. It is also essential that States develop regulatory frameworks for new technologies, including AI, based on human rights.  

Third, bolstering independent institutions which act as a check against authoritarian and oligarchic practices. We see this playing out in places where robust anti-monopoly rules and strict public procurement and campaign finance laws better protect human rights and prevent monopolies of power and oligarchic structures. 

The rule of law is strongly and positively correlated with controlling corruption. 

Fourth, ensuring accountability strengthens social cohesion. For example, successive governments in New Zealand have acknowledged breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. Governments have apologised, compensated, and invested in the Māori culture and language. This has built trust in institutions.

Finally, investing in people’s basic rights, from affordable housing to quality education, and expanding digital access, can build resilience across society. 

In some countries, these investments can be transformative. For example, the World Bank estimates that improving girls’ education could generate an extra $2.4 trillion for African economies by 2040. This empowers a whole generation of girls to realise their dreams, and boosts revenue for education, health and more. 

People need to demand equality across the board: in order to tackle discrimination, expand access to economic, social and cultural rights, and push back on the systems that allow wealth and power to translate into undue political influence.

Faculty, students, friends, 

I want to make some more specific comments on tech policy, an area where deep tensions about power, participation, and democratic control are playing out. 

Currently, a handful of governments and companies controls an outsize proportion of global information flows. This is distorting public debate, markets, and even governance systems.

AI is also eroding privacy and entrenching a form of control. When people know they are being watched, they self-censor and disengage, and civic space quietly shrinks.

But what if digital developments were harnessed to promote democracy?

Digital technology is a powerful connector – linking and amplifying voices that otherwise may never have found each other. Marginalised communities can claim their narrative in online spaces. Fridays for Future, Black Lives Matter, the MeToo movement and the Gen Z protests last year could not have happened without online organising.

Citizen media means ordinary people can shine a light on horrific human rights violations and abuses.

Human rights and democracy can thrive online – Governments are well aware of this. This is why one of the classic moves in the autocrat’s playbook is to shut down the internet at the first sign of trouble. It is no surprise that the longest such shutdown has taken place in Iran. 

If technology, including AI, is built on human rights, it can help advance democracy.

Could we develop new AI tools to help us measure the quality of the democratic information environment, and to compare it across different governance models?

A recent study suggests that AI tools can help to counter conspiracy theories. 

I invite universities and research institutes to look into this as an area for further study.

Dear friends,

Change begins with each of us when we are clear about what we are working for. 

The ballot box is one obvious place where we can strive for democratic renewal – by voting for political parties that genuinely work to protect and promote human rights. 

But it’s more than that.

It is especially important for young people to understand and adopt democratic values as their own. It falls to every generation to renew democracy for its times. Yours is no different. I urge you to be critical, but never cynical.

The biggest challenge of our time is to ensure that the political decisions taken today reflect strategic foresight and long-term thinking. I always think of the empty chair, representing future generations, which should be present at every government meeting, or in any important decision-making forum, be it public or private. 

That is the only way we will be able to tackle the climate and environment crises, the risks posed by new technologies, and who knows what else is coming. We each have an important role to play.

This is why I recently launched the Global Alliance for Human Rights. It aims to bring many initiatives together and to imagine – and deliver – new ones, across all parts of society. It is a community of governments, civil society, business, cities, philanthropies, academics, artists, philosophers, and athletes. And, of course, young people. The objective is to put human rights back at the centre of public and political life.

I hope you will join us.

Karl Popper taught us that history is not inevitable. 

It is shaped by human choices, knowledge, and innovation—none of which can be fully predicted. 

That is why the future of democracy is not something we simply inherit. 

Democracy is built when we lift our eyes—from our screens, from our fears, from the stories that divide us—and meet each other as human beings.

Thank you.